Breaking News
Attack on the Press: Journalist Trapped, Railroaded, and Imprisoned in Mississippi
By Matthew Reardon – Investigative Journalist
It Started as a Routine Audit and a need to make a public records request. It Ended in Prison.
On June 20, 2022 I walked into Oxford, MS City Hall with a camera in hand and a simple mission—document government officials in a public building and request records from the City Clerk. It was a standard First Amendment audit, something I had been doing all month to expose corruption and promote transparency.
I never expected that within months, I would be sitting in a Mississippi prison, stripped of my freedom, betrayed by the justice system, and silenced by the very government I sought to hold accountable.
I was about to step into a nightmare—one that would prove just how far officials would go to destroy a journalist who dared to challenge their power.
The Trap is Set: An Old Restraining Order Resurfaces
As I filmed inside City Hall, Oxford Police Lieutenant Kevin Parker confronted me.
“You’re detained. You have to leave,” he ordered.
His reasoning? Oxford Mayor Robyn Tannehill had a restraining order against me from 2017. A restraining order taken out just two weeks prior to Election Day in 2017 for claims that can now be 100% debunked and shown to be completely false. But that’s not a story for this article.
There was just one problem—I had never seen, spoken to, or contacted Mayor Tannehill that day. In fact, I wasn’t even aware the order still existed, let alone that it could be used to ban a citizen journalist from City Hall. Particularly when one of the big reasons I was here was to make a public records request with the city clerk.
Then came Captain Lyons. He doubled down:
“If you come back, you’ll be arrested for trespassing and violating the restraining order.”
I had two choices: leave quietly or get locked up. So, I left. But I wasn’t done.
Oxford Police Chief Jeff McCutchen referred the matter—one that most legal experts argue should have been dismissed—to the Mississippi Bureau of Investigations (MBI) on June 23, 2022.
The result was a felony charge of aggravated stalking against me, citing not only my First Amendment audit at Oxford City Hall but also five to six critical tweets about Mayor Robyn Tannehill’s policies during her re-election campaign a year prior. That’s right—they weaponized my tweets and a 5-10 minute video inside City Hall to put me in a jail cell.
Eight days later, on June 28, 2022, Reardon walked into Lafayette County Chancery Court for a child custody hearing. Before he could enter, Reardon was met by Major Alan Wilburn of the sheriff’s department.“You can’t bring recording devices in,” he said. Then, without missing a beat, he pulled out an arrest warrant. The Charge: Aggravated Stalking.The charge stemmed from Reardon’s City Hall visit eight days earlier. But that wasn’t all. A stalking charge requires there be a “course of conduct”. This is a crucial element of the crime stalking and without this, there no crime of stalking.
A “course of conduct” is legally defined in the context of stalking under Mississippi Code § 97-3-107 (and this is what I was charged with). It refers to a pattern of behavior consisting of two or more actions over a period of time, however brief, that demonstrate a continuity of purpose. This pattern must be such that it would cause a reasonable person to fear for their own safety, the safety of another, or fear damage or destruction of their property.
When MBI Lieutenant Joey Mauney wrote in his Criminal Affidavit each of the 6 twitter tweets more than a year prior as “heinous” and manifesting fear throughout Lafayette County, he was ultimately claiming that this handful of tweets I posted criticizing Tannehill’s policies and leadership constituted the “course of conduct” needed to charge me with not only stalking but aggravated stalking when there was never any contact nor did I ever want to have any contact with mayor Robyn Tannehill.
Following the MBI’s recommendation, Judge Kent Smith initially set my bond at $10,000, but this was swiftly challenged by Assistant District Attorney Tiffany Kilpatrick, who moved for its revocation. During what some observers described as a “kangaroo court” proceeding, Judge Smith ruled that I be held without bond and ordered a mental health evaluation and competency hearing.
This was a particularly difficult time as I had a 4-month-old son in the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit at LeBonheur Hospital in Memphis, TN, and had three other children at home.
At the hearing, Judge Smith played his part in this kangaroo court.“You’re being held without bond pending a mental health exam,” he ruled. Suddenly, I wasn’t just a journalist facing a bogus felony—I was being labeled mentally unstable to justify keeping me behind bars.
Adding to the irregularities of the case, Reardon’s originally assigned public defender, Mitchell Driskill, was suddenly replaced by Mark McClinton of New Albany, with no formal court filing or documented authorization for the swap. Reardon soon discovered that McClinton was unresponsive and did not appear to have his best interests in mind. The court-ordered mental health exam was delayed for nearly two months, not taking place until September.
There was no official court filing authorizing the change. And soon, I discovered why.McClinton wasn’t on my side.
Dr. Christopher Lott ultimately conducted the evaluation and determined that Reardon did not suffer from bipolar disorder or any other significant mental health condition. Despite this finding, the legal proceedings continued under questionable circumstances.
On September 29, 2022, the day before his scheduled competency hearing, I spoke with my attorney, Mark McClinton, who informed me that the case had “fallen apart” for the state. According to McClinton, prosecutors had no solid evidence against me, as the charge of aggravated stalking did not meet the legal criteria. McClinton assured me that the charge would be dismissed the next day.
However, on September 30, 2022, rather than seeing the case thrown out as promised, McClinton unexpectedly presented me with a guilty plea deal. McClinton warned me that if I refused to accept the plea, the jury would likely be “tainted and fixed,” and the prosecution would exploit technicalities to secure a conviction—even if the trial was moved to a different county.
The plea agreement stipulated five years of probation, banishment from Lafayette County for five years, and an assurance from McClinton that the charge would be expunged when eligible. Facing a family crisis and under immense pressure, I felt I had no choice but to accept the plea deal in order to secure my release.
Immediately after entering the guilty plea, I told McClinton that I had made a mistake and wanted to withdraw it to proceed to trial. McClinton refused to entertain the request or provide assistance. With no legal support from my assigned attorney, I took matters into my own hands.
On October 31, 2022, I filed a formal motion to withdraw my guilty plea, requesting either a trial or dismissal of what I asserted and still assert was an unconstitutional charge.
I took the deal. I walked out of jail. But the moment I did, I knew I had made a mistake. I immediately stated I wanted to withdraw that bogus plea. I had to, there was no other way. When McClinton wouldn’t answer my calls, I filed my own motion October 31, 2022 so as to be prompt and at 30 days.
Retaliation: The FBI Call That Sent Me to Prison
Three days before I filed to withdraw my plea, I witnessed a case of police corruption in a neighboring city and called the Oxford FBI field office. I also told the agent that my rights had been heavily violated by Lafayette County and needed to speak with the FBI about them as well.
I was told they didn’t do appointments but twe had discussed me bringing the evidence in 1-2 hours later due to the fact that I needed to call and report my presence to the Lafayette County Sheriff’s Department to be in compliance with the banishment. In following the rules, I called the Lafayette County Sheriff’s Office to report my planned visit—to comply with my probation terms. I spoke with Kandace Beavers and conveyed everything correctly. This is evidenced by call recordings with both the FBI and Beavers.
But the very next day—November 1, 2022—Assistant DA Tiffany Kilpatrick filed a motion to revoke my sentence. That night, Sheriff’s Deputy Hoby James arrested me. What I would quickly find out was that Kandace Beavers intentional lies led to this, and that Hoby James was a snake in disguise.
The Final Blow: A Show Trial Without Evidence
At the revocation hearing on November 3rd, I was blindsided.
- I wasn’t told what I was being revoked for until I was in the courtroom.
- I had no lawyer. I wasn’t allowed to present evidence proving my innocence. Sheriff’s Deputy Kandis Beavers falsely testified that I had driven to the FBI office without an appointment. I tried to speak—
- “I have recorded calls proving the FBI told me to come in!”
- Judge Tollison didn’t care. He refused to hear my evidence. After a short deliberation, he sentenced me to one year in prison. For what? For obeying the law. Let’s call this what it is:
- A coordinated effort to remove a government critic.
- A rigged legal system that manufactures charges.
- A court that suppresses evidence and denies basic rights.
- I was framed, coerced, and silenced. And if they can do it to me, they can do it to anyone. The question now isn’t just how this happened.
I was given a 1-Year Prison Sentence for this madness! Throughout all of this the FBI has stayed silent refusing to come forward and admit that I did exactly as I was told and didn’t do a thing wrong here!
Listen to a Podcast on this Event
See below the call recordings for a complaint now filed with the Office of The Inspector General
Here is the evidence they did not want to hit the surface:
MAJOR COMPLAINT FILED WITH OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL! Click image to view PDF

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Breaking News
Medical Dispensary Denies Disabled Marine Corps Veteran During PTSD Crisis
By Don Matthews | We The People News
On Sunday afternoon, February 8, 2026, a disturbing incident occurred at The Apothecary medical marijuana dispensary in Lafayette, LA involving a disabled United States Marine Corps veteran during an acute medical crisis. The facts are not in dispute. What happened was not loud, not chaotic, and not confrontational. It was quiet, procedural, and revealing.
Matthew Reardon, a Marine Corps veteran with service-connected PTSD, entered The Apothecary with a valid medical marijuana license that he has held since September 2025. This was his first time visiting this dispensary. He was not seeking recreational use. He was seeking prescribed medication during an active PTSD episode triggered by recent events connected to years of documented government misconduct, false charges, incarceration, and systemic retaliation.
Reardon calmly explained to the staff that he was experiencing severe PTSD symptoms and needed fast-acting relief. He asked for guidance on the most effective and cost-efficient option available because he had exactly $15 accessible on his Cash App account. He was transparent about his situation. He did not ask for free medication. He asked for help navigating a system that brands itself as medical.
The lowest-priced product available was a single pre-rolled joint priced at $12.50. At checkout, Reardon was informed that the dispensary does not accept tap-to-pay. He then attempted to pay using his Cash App card. At that point, staff advised him that their payment system only processes transactions in $5 increments, meaning the $12.50 purchase would be automatically rounded up to $15. He was then told that an additional $3.50 card-processing fee would be added on top of that amount.
Reardon explained—again—that he had access to exactly $15 and no more. He explained that this medication was necessary to manage his PTSD symptoms in that moment. He asked for a supervisor.
When the manager arrived, Reardon reiterated the situation clearly and respectfully. He requested a reasonable accommodation: any adjustment that would allow him to obtain the prescribed medication without being priced out by arbitrary rounding and discretionary fees. Options existed. The price could have been adjusted. The fee could have been offset. A managerial override could have been used.
Instead, the manager stated that nothing could be changed in the system. Staff suggested Reardon leave the dispensary, go across the street, purchase another item he did not need, and attempt to obtain cash back—an impractical and dismissive suggestion given his disclosed financial and medical condition.
At no point did Reardon raise his voice, threaten staff, or disrupt business. He did not record inside the store out of respect. He was there for medicine, not confrontation. Yet despite clear knowledge of his disability, his medical crisis, and his inability to absorb additional fees, the dispensary refused all flexibility.
This is not merely a customer service issue. PTSD is a recognized disability under federal and state law. Medical marijuana dispensaries that hold themselves out as medical providers are expected to make reasonable modifications to policies when rigid enforcement denies disabled patients equal access to prescribed treatment.
Reardon was not asking for charity. He was asking for accommodation.
What makes this incident particularly troubling is the context. Reardon has lost nearly everything due to years of government abuse, including false charges dating back to 2017, prolonged incarceration, and the seizure and sale of his personal property while he was jailed. Those same false records continue to disqualify him from employment through background checks, trapping him in financial precarity.
Against that backdrop, a medical dispensary chose strict adherence to payment mechanics over human judgment during a medical emergency.
After leaving the dispensary without medication, Reardon exercised his First Amendment rights by preparing to stand on a public sidewalk outside the business.
This article exists so that members of the public who encounter that sign understand exactly what it refers to.
We The People News encourages The Apothecary to preserve all surveillance footage and transaction records from the time of this incident. Transparency serves everyone.
Medical care is not defined solely by licensure or product type. It is defined by whether institutions recognize the humanity and legal rights of the patients they serve—especially when those patients are disabled veterans seeking relief during a crisis.
This report is factual, contemporaneous, and accurate to the best of our knowledge. Any party wishing to dispute the facts is encouraged to do so with evidence.
— Don Matthews Reporting on the experience of Matthew Reardon
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Breaking News
Exclusive: FBI database allegedly accessed by Red Cross shelter after man sought shelter during winter storm
At the center of the controversy is a question with implications far beyond one individual case: Are emergency shelters being used—intentionally or not—as gateways for law-enforcement screening, and are federal criminal databases being accessed outside lawful purposes during crises?
A winter storm emergency shelter publicly advertised as open to anyone—“no registration, no screening”—has now become the focus of a federal complaint alleging misuse of one of the United States’ most sensitive law-enforcement databases.
The incident occurred on January 24, during a period of freezing temperatures in Louisiana, when Lafayette Consolidated Government opened warming shelters for the public. Local media broadcasts emphasized that anyone needing warmth could simply show up. The shelter at issue was operated by the American Red Cross, a private humanitarian organization.
According to a formal report now submitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, events that followed raise serious questions about whether a federal criminal-justice database was accessed or leveraged after a private citizen sought shelter during the emergency.
From Humanitarian Aid to Law-Enforcement Action
The reporting individual states that he entered the warming shelter solely to escape freezing conditions, relying on public assurances that no identification, registration, or screening was required. He was not suspected of a crime at the time and was not informed of any law-enforcement involvement at the shelter.
Shortly thereafter, law-enforcement action was taken against him based on what was described as an “NCIC hit” connected to an unfinished or questionable warrant originating from New Orleans. The arrest was carried out publicly, and the individual was jailed.
The National Crime Information Center (NCIC) is a federal database operated by the FBI through its Criminal Justice Information Services (CJIS) division. Access is strictly limited to authorized criminal-justice agencies and may only be used for legitimate criminal-justice purposes. Private entities, including nonprofit organizations, are not authorized to access NCIC or request queries.
Legal experts note that even sworn law-enforcement officers may not lawfully access NCIC for non-criminal purposes, including background screening, risk assessment, or requests initiated by private parties.
Why Consent or “Safety” Does Not Apply
Federal law and CJIS policy are explicit: NCIC access is governed by statute and regulation, not by consent. Even if a private organization claims safety concerns or cooperation with police, those rationales do not authorize criminal-history checks outside a lawful investigative context.
Improper access or dissemination of NCIC data can trigger severe consequences, including administrative sanctions, loss of database access, and potential criminal exposure.
Missing Property and Escalating Harm
The situation escalated further after the arrest. According to sworn statements, the individual’s personal property was handled in two separate ways. While his jail property was inventoried, a backpack was seized separately by Lafayette Police and booked into the department’s evidence room.
When the backpack was later returned, his car keys were missing.
The keys had not been inventoried at the jail and were last known to be inside the backpack while it was in police custody. As of publication, the keys have not been returned, nor has any documentation been provided explaining their disappearance.
Despite this, city authorities have threatened to tow the individual’s vehicle for failing to move it—an action he says is impossible without the missing keys.
Civil-rights attorneys say towing a vehicle under such circumstances could constitute deprivation of property without due process and raise spoliation concerns if the vehicle is connected to disputed law-enforcement actions.
Federal Statutes Implicated
In his report to the FBI, the complainant states that the conduct described may implicate multiple federal statutes, including:
- 18 U.S.C. § 641 (misuse or conversion of government information),
- 18 U.S.C. § 1030 (unauthorized or exceeded access to protected computer systems), and
- 18 U.S.C. § 371 (conspiracy to misuse federal systems).
He emphasized that he is not making charging decisions but is reporting facts that warrant federal review.
A Broader Civil Liberties Question
At the center of the controversy is a question with implications far beyond one individual case: Are emergency shelters being used—intentionally or not—as gateways for law-enforcement screening, and are federal criminal databases being accessed outside lawful purposes during crises?
Civil-liberties advocates warn that blurring the line between humanitarian aid and law enforcement risks chilling people from seeking help during emergencies, especially unhoused individuals or those with past system involvement.
Emergency conditions, they note, do not suspend constitutional protections or federal data-access rules.
Public Record, Public Accountability
The FBI complaint was made contemporaneously creating a timestamped record before further enforcement actions—such as towing—could occur. The reporting individual has also issued formal preservation demands to prevent destruction or alteration of evidence.
As of publication, neither the American Red Cross nor local authorities have publicly addressed whether any NCIC query was run, who initiated it, or whether any federal criminal-justice data was accessed or shared.
What remains undisputed is the public promise made on January 24: that the warming shelter was open to anyone, with no screening.
Whether that promise was honored—and whether federal law was violated in the process—is now a matter of federal record.
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Breaking News
MAJOR VERDICT | How the Court Bent Law, Facts, and Time to Save the Government
By Matthew Reardon| We The People News

The January 16, 2026 “Reasons and Judgment of Conviction” should trouble anyone who still believes courts exist to restrain government power rather than protect it.
What follows is not a disagreement with a judge’s discretion. It is a point-by-point exposure of how law was contorted, evidence was excused away, and constitutional standards were quietly lowered to preserve a prosecution that should never have survived.
This ruling was not merely wrong. It was constructed.
1. The Court Excused Destroyed Evidence Instead of Punishing It
The most glaring defect appears immediately: the court accepted the government’s claim that critical video evidence was “not preserved due to technical error.”
That evidence was not peripheral. It went to the heart of the case. It showed U.S. Marshals waving me forward, directing my movement, and initiating the interaction later characterized as criminal.
This footage was requested. Timely. Repeatedly. On the record.
The law on this is settled. When the government loses or destroys materially exculpatory evidence—especially after notice—it does not receive deference. It receives sanctions. In many cases, dismissal.
Instead, the court did the opposite. It credited the government’s explanation without scrutiny and then proceeded as if the evidence never mattered.
That is not neutral adjudication. That is insulation.
2. The Court Erased Entrapment by Pretending It Wasn’t Raised
Entrapment is not a buzzword. It is a doctrine grounded in the idea that the government may not manufacture crimes by inducing conduct it then punishes.
The record shows federal officers initiating contact, signaling me forward, escalating the encounter, and only enforcing once criticism intensified.
The ruling does not meaningfully analyze this.
There is no serious inquiry into inducement.
No examination of officer conduct.
No assessment of whether the alleged violation would have occurred but for government prompting.
Instead, entrapment is treated as if it barely exists—mentioned only obliquely, then discarded.
That omission is not accidental. It is necessary for the conviction to stand.
3. The Court Rewrote “Obstruction” to Mean “Possibility”
The regulation at issue criminalizes unreasonable obstruction of entrances.
The court never identifies a single person who was blocked.
Never finds a delayed entry.
Never cites a disrupted operation.
Why? Because none occurred.
The door was locked.
Marked “emergency exit only.”
Not used by the public.
To overcome this, the court substitutes speculation for fact—what could have happened, what officers felt, what security imagined.
That is not proof beyond a reasonable doubt. It is conjecture elevated to conviction.
Courts do not convict people for what might have occurred. At least, they are not supposed to.
4. The Forum Analysis Is a Legal Shell Game
The ruling quietly downgrades the forum.
While acknowledging that courthouse steps are traditionally public, the court effectively treats the immediate exterior entrance area as something less—without citing a statute, regulation, or posted restriction converting it into a limited or nonpublic forum.
This maneuver matters. Once the forum is downgraded, constitutional scrutiny weakens. Government discretion expands.
But forum status is not decided by convenience. It is decided by history, access, and use.
The ruling offers none of that analysis—only assertion.
5. “Content Neutrality” Is Asserted, Not Proven
The court insists enforcement was content neutral.
The record says otherwise.
Recording was tolerated—until it documented Marshals.
Speech was tolerated—until it criticized Marshals.
Presence was tolerated—until the message became inconvenient.
Neutrality is not declared by judges. It is demonstrated by facts. And the facts here show escalation only after expressive activity crossed a line of criticism.
That is classic retaliatory enforcement.
6. The Court Pretended Speech and Conduct Are Separable
This ruling depends on a fiction: that speech and conduct can be surgically separated when enforcement is triggered by expression.
Protest is conduct.
Journalism is conduct.
Recording government officials is conduct.
The First Amendment protects these activities precisely because they occur in physical space and real time.
By pretending the case was about “conduct alone,” the court avoids confronting the constitutional problem it created. O and lets not forget about the many times throughout the order the judge made some type of reference to my language, even emphasized it. He can try to bend and twist it for some other reason, but that is a farce and this judgement bears weight to that. The Government got caught with its pants around its ankles. They got exposed and publicly criticized for it. This is what this retaliatory prosecution was all about.
7. The Missed Deadline Tells the Truth the Ruling Hides
The court ordered its own deadline: by or before January 15th.
It missed it.
Judges do not miss deadlines on easy cases. They miss them when facts conflict with outcomes.
The delay betrays hesitation.
The hesitation betrays doubt.
The doubt betrays the ruling.
This was not a clear conviction. It was a salvaged one.
8. Why This Conviction Was the Government’s Best Outcome—and Its Worst Mistake
An acquittal would have buried misconduct quietly.
A conviction creates a record.
This ruling now travels—to appellate judges not embedded in this courthouse, not invested in excusing Marshals, not tasked with justifying a prosecution built on missing evidence and speculative harm.
In trying to save the government, the court exposed it.
So yes, I will say this plainly.
Thank you, Judge Thomas Leblanc
Thank you for choosing a ruling that can be reviewed, reversed, and cited.
Because this case is no longer about me.
It is about whether the federal government can bait citizens, destroy evidence, criminalize journalism, and rely on judicial indulgence to make it all disappear.
That question is now on the record.
And it will be answered.
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Breaking News4 years ago
Breaking News Alert! A Chilling Warning to All Citizens particularly Journalists & Reporters in North Mississippi
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